For a glance behind the curtains of our powerful centralised medias, we must first of all include a couple of telling examples from the present production and focus.
A widely distributed piece of news from Norsk Telegrambyrå (NTB) was just recently fetched from far-away California, in the outskirts of the presently burned-out town, Paradise, where hate object number one to our domestic medias, President Donald Trump, on 18 November among other things pointed to Finland’s management and protection of forest. NTB wanted to juggle with one of his statements.
Trump first mentioned an earlier conversation with the Finnish President, who regarded his country as a forest country.
– You must care for the forest floor, that is extremely important. He (the Finnish President) labelled Finland a forest country and they spend so much time raking and caring and such things. And they have no problems, Trump said.
The American President stood alongside Governor Jerry Brown and the new Governor, Gavin Newsom, when this statement was made.
The heading of the afore-mentioned message from NTB says: «Do like the Finnish, rake the foliage, Trump said to the victims of the forest fires». In the introduction, a loaded elaboration was made from the strongly manipulated statement by Trump, «The President of the USA believes he has the answer to how they will stop future forest fires».
Notice the intonation; every word is torn out of its context. Trump has never said anything about «raking the foliage» of Finnish forests. His statement concerned the fact that Finland has developed a forest management encompassing large forest areas; those are cleared also bearing in mind the risk of forest fires. Based on this, Trump expressed to the governors and the media that the USA might learn something from the forest nation, Finland. Period. This provided us with an excellent example of the way in which style and political rhetoric over and over again weaken the credibility of mainstream media. It seems like it is all placed into a system, on the verge of something developing into a frightening tendency in its complete political naivety.
A fresh object of hatred, Kjell Ingolf Ropstad (KrF)
Already the Stalinist wrath has captured Kjell Ingolf Ropstad, the vice-chairman of Kristelig Folkeparti (the Public’s Christian Party), who probably will replace the exceedingly strongly profiled media mascot, Knut Arild Hareide. He led an obstinate and weird attempt that removing the non-socialist Government, assisted by wire pullers with Arbeidernes ungdomsfylking (the Workers’ Youth League), the Arbeiderpartiet (the Labour Party), and the entire media commissariat! In the finish, Hareide numerous times spoke secretly with politicians with the Arbeiderpartiet and was predictably ballyhooed by the entire Norwegian media network.
And now Ropstad, challenging Hareide, is predictably squeezed by the moralizing media regarding his explorations with Erna and co! Ropstad will most certainly have moody media commissaries dropping that him for a long time ahead, as he is the very symbol of a thrust as failed as stupid from a long time since chipped and half-dead Kristelig Folkeparti. En route, the party risked being crossed out by the margin of error in the opinion polls. Even so, the foolish issue ran on and on for several weeks, forcefully agitated by the media. In our domestic parish pump, there is presently a shortage of real political issues, chiefly because the media soon will not write anything whatsoever about the profiled issues or other contributions from the non-socialist parties. There are numerous sins of omission.
All this, while the more favourably positioned Arbeiderpartiet has difficulties finding marketable profile issues; consequently, they will probably only address healthcare issues with Landsorganisasjonen (the Norwegian Trade Union) and the large media network in the upcoming municipal election? Sykepleieforbundet (the nurses’ organisation) gets fresh input just nowadays.
It is difficult to elude the press subsidy when analyzing the Norwegian medias. As is well known, several medias get considerable public injections. Who, then, gets the most related to size? The Norwegian newspaper Klassekampen in October 2017 received a public production subsidy amounting to 40, 3 million Nkr, an increase of over one million compared to the previous year. The reason for injecting a marginal newspaper established on a completely communist platform with more than 40 million Nkr and public subsidy, is an enigma as great as it should justify a separate study. There is reason to state that there is some mysticism attached to this flood of money. However, who want to conduct investigative journalism into something like that?
The big ones are red also
Amedia (formerly A-pressen – the socialist press) owned 50 per cent of TV2 until 2012. From 1987 to 2007, Alf Hildrum, deeply rooted historically on the left wing of AUF and Arbeiderpartiet, managing director of Amedia and the related Medier Russland. For some time it concerned equity interests in a large Russian newspaper, but that went unnoticed by our domestic medias.
From 2006 onwards, Alf Hildrum emerged as chief of board in TV2, reflected in the large equity interest of Amedia/A-pressen in TV2 that the time. After the death of Kåre Valebrokk in 2007, Alf Hildrum became chief editor, as well as managing director, thus sealing the political framework of TV2; making Alf Hildrum and Arbeiderpartiet king of the castle. The NRK monopoly cracked; however, the media power of Arbeiderpartiet did not.
In 2013, Thor Gjermund Eriksen became the new leader of NRK. He has solid ballast from the far left wing of Norwegian politics, from Sosialistisk Ungdom via Sosialistisk Venstreparti to a period as personal advisor of Raymond Johansen with Arbeiderpartiet. In the year 2000, Gjermund Eriksen became political editor in Aftenposten and laid the foundations for the fiery red Hilde Haugsgjerd; she soon made her way toward the top of the once very conservative newspaper.
After having entered as editor of Aftenposten Aften, Hilde Haugsgjerd from the leaders of AKP (m-l), managing editor of Aftenposten in 2007, and was in 2008 constituted as chief editor.
From the turn of the century, good old Aftenposten became a newspaper belonging to the political left. Having Harald Stanghelle in the editorial leadership, the Jagland fraction of Arbeiderpartiet strengthened its position. In Aftenposten and the rest of Akersgata (the Norwegian counterpart of Fleet Street), there had obviously been conducted a thorough footwork through several years, assisted by some trade union bosses from Norsk Journalistlag (NJ, the Norwegian journalists’ organisation) and the even more ideologically militant Grafisk Forbund (the Norwegian Graphic Association).
Statsbanken bought Amedia
In February 2016, the Sparebankstiftelsen DNB (the Saving bank institution DNB), led by Rune Bjerke, bought the Amedia group and established the «Amediastiftelsen». The debate regarding the purchase went unnoticed by most; it was probably reserved to the initiated elite? Whoever might live in the delusion that Amedia would now be united from its ideological roots, must think anew; the personae surrounding it is mostly the same, tied to Arbeiderpartiet and the left wing of Norwegian politics. This is all about power.
DNB is owned by the State; the Ministry of Industry and Trade has a majority of 34 per cent of the shares, while the second largest owner is Sparebankstiftelsen DNB, owning 10 per cent. Organisationally, DNB is a remains form the Arbeiderparti state.
Bank director Rune Bjerke with DNB has become big with the Arbeiderpartiet. Jens Stoltenberg was best man when Bjerke married, and Rune Bjerke was best man when Jens Stoltenberg married Ingrid Schulerud in 1987. There is quite some power on few hands in the formidable network surrounding Bjerke and co.; laboriously established from the time with AUF in the early 1980s. Consequently, most of them belong to the trusted innermost circle of the Arbeiderpartiet, even though leaders of the Defence are also within it. Espen Barth Eide, Turid Birkeland, Bjørn Tore Godal, Morten Wetland, Vidar Ovsen, Øystein Mæland, Siri Bjerke, Hanne Harlem (the younger sister of Gro), Hanne Skartveit (from AUF/Ap; now Verdens Gang), and Frode Forfang (Ap, presently director of UDI).
Amedia has, then kept its ideological and political profile below the surface, even if it is outwardly subdued. We must also not forget that the strategy of the Arbeiderpartiet into the new millennium was to avoid socialist phrases and run the race in process, with different words and concepts. Multi culture is one such new word. The Amedia network completely or partly owns over 60 local and regional newspapers, as well as Internet based newspapers. This is now the big area of commitment. In reality, it encompasses most regional and local newspapers.
Amedia also owns large printing houses in Norway and also in Russia(!). Practically no other big Norwegian participants invest as much in Russia as Amedia, for some strange reason or other. Next to the Schibsted Group, Amedia is the second largest media group in Norway.
AKP/Rødt has gained their strength through the laborious establishment of networks since the 1970s. Through disciplined and systematic footwork they have reached the top of the largest and most top heavy trade unions of LO. Especially Fagforbundet. Closely tied to this ideologically deep red family tree sits the present leader of LO, Gerd Kristiansen.
The unknown «LO Media» is an example of one of several large media producers within the Ap and LO system fronting the politics of Arbeiderpartiet. The powerful organisation bearing this name was officially established in 2009, but in reality in 1989. The organisation appeared when Fri Fagbevegelse and Stiftelsen Aktuell joined LO Media.
LO Media is located in Storgata 33 in Oslo and is today’s far largest producer of professional magazines in the professional press; it has monthly circulations of about 550.000. Still, «professional» distorts an ideological and political image as all the professions concerned, since long ago are framed into the image of the Arbeiderpartiet! The preamble of LO Media, that today has about 60 full time employees, states among other things that the organisation will «coordinate and conduct information for the labour movement». This is clearly part of a campaign mode prior to and during election years in Norway.
NRK, a media dinosaur
Critically and politically, one must that the same time glance that the complete media picture; there, NRK is still in 2018 by far the largest opinion influencing organ, with 3.500 full time man labour years. Based on the annual account of 2017, NRK had an income amounting to the formidable 5,9 billion Nkr. The trend of NRK now is that employees and others establish their own production companies in several areas and the sell their contributions to NRK. This landscape, then, becomes rather obscured, but surely it helps knowing somebody who knows somebody within the system?
In the perspective of political power, NRK is no less than a legitimate child of the state of Arbeiderpartiet, and the wider perspective of impartation, including the political crampon, must be regarded a natural function of such realities. NRK has been led by so many central politicians with Arbeiderpartiet through the years that the organisation fully and historically viewed should be regarded as part of the political power platform of Arbeiderpartiet, internally obscured under the common notion of «Arbeiderpressen».
In 2012, Thor Gjermund Eriksen (52) was employed as the new leader of NRK. His starting point is fiery red politically; you will tip over the edge if you try to pass him on his left side. The employment of this strongly ideological figure must be regarded as a continuation of the ever ongoing unhealthy political media play in this country, NRK being the largest dinosaur. One gets the impression that by and by, there is a political underground, gloomy networks that run the race in favour of their «selected» politicians and handpicked persons giving their opinions and are invited to the studios at night. And if you happen to be politically incorrect, there is hardly any time allotted to speaking and you are mostly invited to the studios to be harassed, directly or indirectly.
We find the political chief commissaries not only in the staff surrounding the television leader; they are also present at the powerful «division leadership» of the district offices of NRK, and (of course) in the news offices. NRK is obviously the largest opinion-influential organ in Norway. Together with Amedia, this grows into a rather formidable size politically; let us, however, cast a side glance at one of the newspapers in the Schibsted Group that also gradually became ever redder during the 1980s.
AKP invaded Schibsted in the 1980s
Several educated persons of the inner cadres and cells from AKP (m-l) entered Dagbladet, Verdens Gang and Aftenposten in a determined process which started back in 1973, with Akersgata being the starting point. At the decennial turn of the 1970s and the 1980s, the Red Guards reaped the fruits of their ingenious infiltration. Now, several central members of AKP were neatly distributed at the media houses. Officially, they had in turn resigned from AKP in the years 1982–1985, on their way towards the top also in several central publishing houses and especially with the media education, including high schools and universities.
The trade union Norsk Journalistlag was at the same time in an important target area; at some times it may be regarded a solely political operator concerning assisting the most red nosed journalists in entering central positions. Also, one should not forget that it is all about a rather tight political setting where one begins to get old, while at the same time being familiar and on a first-name basis.
Olav Mugaas, Sigurd Allern and Helge Øgrim
Olav Mugaas (68) is an excellent example of the formidable success that the political left achieved in the Norwegian media during the 1980s. A sworn AKP member, Mugaas first became manager of Klassekampen and soon led Duplotrykk, the print shop of the very same AKP. This was an enterprise on a 24- hour basis, printing propaganda for several of the big issues fronted by numerous communist frontal organisations and others on the political left wing during the 1970s. Sigurd Allern from AKP’s leadership was also part of this system. The network in essential medias is ever expanding, practically according to a military pattern.
For several years, Helge Øgrim has been an essential figure with Norsk Journalistlag. Officially, he resigned from AKP (m-l), along with several other media fools bearing the identical world view in the early 1980s. However, a totalitarian, communist conviction is not easily erased. Helge Øgrim has been editor in the professional magazine of the journalists, Journalisten, from 2007 to 2016. He definitely does not seem t have become less red through the years.
The first Norwegian media professor was a diehard communist
When Norway back in the mid-1990s would appoint the very first professor of journalism, the very same Sigurd Allern was an obvious winner and candidate! This very employment, which surely got a few hiccups from Akersgata, is quite telling regarding the state of the Norwegian media world on the verge of a new millennium. Let us, however, linger a little longer with Olav Mugaas. In 1989, he became manager of Norsk Arbeiderpresse (the Norwegian Workers’ Press, now Amedia) and in 1991, he became chief editor of Dagsavisen, then in 1994, he entered the leadership of Aftenposten. There, he quickly became managing director(!) in 1996, which he remained for 11 years until 2007. During this period, Aftenposten changed its political profile and at the same time, ever more red nosed journalists knew their time of visitation and boosted the impression at their very best.
During the time spent by Olav Mugaas with Aftenposten, one of the most profiled female characters of AKP, Hilde Haugsgjerd, jumped in from the sideline, well assisted by in-house trade union leaders. Haugsgjerd arrived from Dagsavisen (formerly Arbeiderbladet) and first became editor of Aftenpostens evening paper; then in 2007, she was appointed managing editor and next temporarily appointed chief editor from 2008 until 2013. Very much was painted red in Aftenposten during the years 1994–1913. Old apparitions from the central AKP also found their way into Verdens Gang and, in particular, Dagens Næringsliv at the same time. Some ten journalists with Dagens Næringsliv had a bloody red background.
When TV2 was painted red
Early in the 1980s, the Norwegian television monopoly of NRK finally cracked. TV2 emerged, and the most optimistic thought that the media power of Arbeiderpartiet and the left wing was finally deteriorating. However, a key figure of the further editorial process after the turn of the millennium, was Alf Hildrum.
Hildrum has risen in the ranks through AUF on the left wing of Arbeiderpartiet. The foreplay appeared as LO bought nearly half of the shares in the newcomer, TV2. (Later, they sold out). This basis of media power was part of the game that led Alf Hildrum in as new chief of board with TV2 from 2006; then, he took over as both chief editor and managing director of the TV2 Group after Kåre Valebrokk 13 June, 2007.
Prior to his time with TV2, Hildrum was leader of both A-pressen and Medier Russland (A-pressen). Through the years, Hildrum has showed himself an engaged intrigant on the left wing of Arbeiderpartiet. Among other things, he participated in bringing down the sturdy Prime Minister, Oddvar Norli, in 1981. At the centre of this network, we also have Einar Førde, Arne Treholt, Rune Gerhardsen, Reiulf Steen, Thorvald Stoltenberg, Thorbjørn Jagland, and Bjørn Tore Godal.
Later, Førde became leader of NRK itself (voila!) in the late 1980s. This was the period when the Norwegian political left wing ran its most purposeful race to position them right in the influential media picture. The mentioned actors obviously had some problems on their way, except for the fact that the most central figures became one year older every year, on their way towards the turn of the millennium.
Early in the 1980s, Ap profiles like Einar Førde, Jens Evensen, and Arne Treholt were long surrounded by a faithful bunch of journalist groupies, almost 24 hours a day, figures who all simultaneously took part in several political, and ideological, schemes and campaigns making this urgent. Gro Harlem Brundtland entered as Prime Minister in 1986, as part of the aforementioned (fore)play. The left wing apparently needed a prettier façade than the one represented by Førde and Reiulf Steen. Now the most well-known socialistic clichés were placed in the drawers as so many of them sounded hollow in the wake of the Berlin Wall falling in 1989.
This said, one can be a clever journalist even if the nose is ever so red at the starting point. One might easily pinpoint political biases, but it is of course difficult to address that which is not included in the news. A problem with documentation would arise, and where would one go with one’s findings?
It is all about power and powerlessness, giving a solid democratic shortage in this country; the democracy is challenged by a seized media power and power of definition, far above the heads of most people.
Translated to English by Lars Hoem